The Middle East is not being remade; it is being contested widely and publicly. The emerging alignment between Israel and the United Arab Emirates appears, at first glance, to signal a decisive geopolitical shift.
Yet beneath the optics of normalization and wartime cooperation lies a more complex struggle: not over whether the region will change, but over who will control the terms of that change. At the centre of this contest stands Saudi Arabia - not as a bystander but as a strategic counterweight.
The Emergence of a Networked Security–Economic Axis
The deepening alignment between Israel and the UAE is best understood not as a symbolic extension of the Abraham Accords but as a functional transformation driven by security imperatives and geoeconomic ambition. The 2026 Iran war has accelerated this shift, collapsing the distance between diplomatic normalization and operational military coordination.
Iran’s missile and drone campaign against Gulf states, including the UAE, has produced an unprecedented level of threat convergence. Hundreds of missiles and thousands of drones targetted Emirati territory, prompting intensified defense coordination with the United States and Israel. In response, Israel reportedly deployed advanced air defense systems to support Gulf security, transforming what was once a diplomatic relationship into a de facto wartime alliance.
This security alignment is embedded within a broader geoeconomic project. The UAE has sought to position itself as a hub linking Asia, Europe, and the Middle East through logistics, finance, and technology. Its diversification strategy - where non-oil sectors account for over three-quarters of economic output - reflects a deliberate move toward post-oil and beyond-oil regional leadership. Israel, with its technological capabilities, complements this vision, enabling a networked order built on infrastructure, innovation, and surveillance.
However, this emerging axis is not merely reactive to Iran. It is also revisionist in its own way. By prioritizing technocratic cooperation and security integration, it implicitly sidelines traditional ideological anchors of Middle Eastern politics, most notably the Palestinian question and the role of political Islam. The resulting order is horizontal rather than hierarchical: a network of capable states cooperating across domains, rather than a system organized around a single political centre.
Yet this vision remains structurally constrained. Regional fragmentation, enduring conflicts, and the persistence of competing power centres - most importantly, Saudi Arabia - limit the extent to which any bilateral alignment can “reset” the Middle East. Even as the UAE and Israel deepen their partnership, they operate within a geopolitical environment shaped by older rivalries and entrenched hierarchies.
Saudi Arabia’s Counterstrategy
If the UAE–Israel alignment represents an attempt to build a networked regional order, Saudi Arabia’s response is not outright opposition but strategic recalibration. Riyadh’s objective is not to block transformation, but to ensure that it remains the central node through which such transformation occurs.
The growing divergence between Saudi Arabia and the UAE is no longer subtle. Abu Dhabi’s decision to exit OPEC in 2026 - effectively rejecting a Saudi-led institutional framework - signals a broader shift away from traditional Gulf hierarchies. This move reflects not only economic ambition but also geopolitical autonomy, as the UAE seeks to escape constraints imposed by Riyadh’s leadership within energy markets.
At the same time, differences in threat perception and strategic response to Iran have widened the gap between the two states. While both view Iran as a central security challenge, the UAE has adopted a more assertive posture, aligning closely with Israel and the United States in favour of a harder military response. Saudi Arabia, by contrast, has balanced deterrence with caution - condemning Iranian attacks while maintaining an interest in diplomatic de-escalation.
This divergence reflects deeper structural considerations. Saudi Arabia’s geopolitical identity is rooted not only in material power but also in symbolic authority - its custodianship of Islam’s holy sites and its historical claim to leadership within the Arab and Muslim worlds. A regional order that privileges technocratic networks over political hierarchy risks diluting this position.
Consequently, Riyadh has pursued a strategy of controlled engagement. It has not rejected normalization with Israel outright, but has slowed its pace and attached conditions, particularly regarding the Palestinian issue. Simultaneously, it has expanded its diplomatic portfolio - engaging with Iran, Pakistan, China, and other global actors - to hedge against overdependence on any single alignment.
The result is a countervailing vision of regional order: one that preserves hierarchy, emphasizes political legitimacy, and resists the rapid erosion of established leadership structures. Rather than competing directly with the UAE–Israel axis on its own terms, Saudi Arabia is reshaping the terrain on which that competition unfolds.
Competing Logics of Order
The unfolding contest between the UAE–Israel axis and Saudi Arabia’s counterstrategy is not a clash between transformation and stasis. It is a struggle between two distinct logics of order. The first is networked, technocratic, and adaptive - driven by security cooperation, economic integration, and a willingness to bypass ideological constraints. The second is hierarchical, legitimacy-driven, and cautious - anchored in historical leadership, political symbolism, and strategic pacing.
Crucially, neither logic is sufficient on its own. The networked model lacks the political depth and legitimacy required to stabilize a fragmented region. The hierarchical model, meanwhile, struggles to adapt to the speed and complexity of contemporary geopolitical change.
What emerges, therefore, is not a new Middle East, but a negotiated one that is increasingly shaped by overlapping, and at times conflicting, frameworks of power. The question is no longer whether alliances such as that between Israel and the UAE can transform the region but whether they can do so without displacing the structures that have historically defined it.
In this sense, Saudi Arabia’s role is not merely reactive. It is constitutive. By resisting absorption into a networked order while selectively engaging with it, Riyadh ensures that the Middle East remains a space where power is not only exercised but also mediated. The future of the region will depend less on the success of any single alliance than on the balance between these competing visions and on who ultimately sets the terms of that balance.
Salman Rafi Sheikh, research analyst of international relations and Pakistan’s foreign and domestic affairs. Courtesy
https://journal-neo.su/2026/05/16/the-contest-to-redefine-the-middle-east/
Back to Top