A framework for reforming India’s forest biodiversity management - I
by S Faizi & M Ravichandran on 09 Oct 2016 0 Comment

India’s forest biodiversity management regime is analysed at the policy, legal and institutional levels, from the perspective of the triple objectives of the Convention on Biological Diversity and the principles of the Indian constitution. The forest bio-diversity management regime has both structural and functional flaws that render it largely incapable of facing the challenge of increasing biodiversity degradation and deepening poverty among the Adivasis and other forest-dependent communities. The paper argues for the reform of the forest biodiversity management regime and offers recommendations in regard to most aspects of the regime, with a view of putting the country’s conservation enterprise on a course that is effective, sustainable and inclusive, rejecting the report of the High Power Committee (HPC) (also known as the Subramanian Committee), which is premised on easing corporate access to forests.

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Introduction

 

India has a fairly robust forest biodiversity management system, with extensive institutional arrangements and vast legal instruments; however, there has been a decline in bio-diversity on one hand, and an increase in impoverishment of biodiversity-dependent people on the other hand. India’s biodiversity includes 96,373 known species of fauna and 56,515 known species of flora (including fungi and lichens), and comprises about 8% of the world’s biodiversity, but demonstrates a declining trend in numbers, with a significant proportion of species becoming threatened (MoEF, CC, 2014). Corresponding to biodiversity degradation is the deepening impoverishment of forest-dependent local communities, particularly the Adivasis (Planning Commission of India, 2008), thus alienating natural partners in conservation.

 

This twin crisis can be addressed only through reform of the country’s forest biodiversity management regime, based on the triple objectives of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), namely, conservation, sustainable use and benefit sharing, and drawing from the ecosystem approach as defined by Decision V/6 of the fifth meeting of the CBD’s Conference of Parties, held in 2000, as “a strategy for the integrated management of land, water and living resources that promotes conservation and sustainable use in an equitable way. Thus, the application of the ecosystem approach will help in reaching a balance of the three objectives of the Convention: conservation, sustainable use, and the fair and equitable sharing of the benefits arising from the utilization of genetic resources”. The reform should be founded on the Indian constitutional provisions of Article 39.b, which direct that the ownership and control of natural resources should be distributed in such a way that it serves the public good, and 48.A, which emphasizes the state’s responsibility to safeguard forests and wildlife.

 

The recommendations of the High Power Committee (HPC) (also known as the Subramanian Committee), constituted by the Government of India with the objective “to provide more freedom to private sector to function” (HPC, 2014), can only exacerbate the current twin crisis of biodiversity degradation and deepening poverty within the forest-dependent communities, as pointed out by critiques of the HPC report (e.g., Saldanha and Rao, 2015). The report ought to be rejected as recommended by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Science & Technology, Environment & Forests (2015). At the same time, there is a compelling need to reform the forest biodiversity management regime to effectively address the twin crisis of biodiversity degradation and deepening poverty of the forest-dependent communities. Therefore, we propose a framework for the reforms to be undertaken, in an effort to arrest and reverse the twin crisis, based on the CBD’s principles and constitutional directives.

 

India’s modem biodiversity management is evolving, albeit hesitantly, from its conventional protectionist and exclusionary domain to encompass the triple objectives of the CBD with equal importance to all, a process catalyzed by the Forest Rights Act (FRA). While forest departments continue to maintain their central roles in biodiversity management, the Panchayati Raj institutions have come to play a rapidly growing role, supported by enabling legislation. There is a gradual departure from the colonial legacy, expanding the scope of building partnerships with local communities through village-level institutions, such as the Joint Forest Management Committees and statutory bodies, which include the Forest Rights Committee under the FRA and the Biodiversity Management Committees under the Biological Diversity Act.

 

However, the inherent resistance within the forest departments to share power with the communities remains a challenge to the effective enforcement of these provisions. Multiple legislation pertaining to forests and biodiversity also retains the colonial legacy of exclusionary conservation. Constraints in the legislation and resistance within forest management institutions are factors impeding the tentative evolutionary process of devolving forest management powers to the people. Therefore, the reform of the forest management regime is necessary and urgent. This paper examines the current policy, legal and institutional matrix, and proposes ways to implement reform in line with the founding principles of CBD.

 

Reforming the policy realm

National forest policy

 

Since its inception in 1988, the revised National Forest Policy has guided forest management in the country. The principles of local community participation and benefit sharing embodied in the policy have also provided the stimulus for the launch of the Joint Forest Management (JFM) programme. However, rapid developments that have occurred in the forestry sector since 1988 require a subsequent revision of the policy, particularly since forest managers at various levels give more weight to the prescriptions contained in the policy than to any other related policy instrument.

 

While the policy has stimulated the launch of JFM, it did not envisage JFM as it is. Additionally, changes in the legal ambience of forest management caused by the FRA 2006 should be reflected in the policy. This will also provide an opportunity for the policy to be informed by the CBD, its program of work on forests and the overarching principle of the ecosystem approach. However, in the new Draft Forest Policy of 2016 (IIFM, 2016), the government invited public comments, but then withdrew the same policy with the same haste as it was drafted. This represents what a forward looking, inclusive and CBD-compliant forest policy should not be.

 

Joint forest management guidelines

 

Joint forest management (JFM) is practiced in the country according to a circular letter issued by the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF, recently renamed Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change or MoEF & CC) in 1990, which was subsequently revised in 2000 and 2002. Since then, the JFM programme has grown to include over a quarter of the forest area across the country.

 

While the country is set to further expand coverage of JFM, it is imperative to revise this guiding instrument in order to incorporate the changes in forest governance that have occurred in tandem with the JFM stream. The MoEF had recommended to state governments - through the MoEF’s minister’s letter to the chief ministers, dated 29 October 2010 - to bring JFM under the supervision of the Gram Sabha (village assembly), and the JFMC to be recognized as an organ of the Gram Sabha under the relevant law concerning Panchayati Raj (local self-government) institutions. These recommendations are critical to effectively taking forward JFM, but they also need to be reflected in the national-level guidelines on JFM, in order to have an operational meaning. The revision will have an important bearing on the future trajectory of JFM.

 

National Biodiversity Action Plan

 

The National Biodiversity Action Plan (NBAP) of 2008 provides an excellent profile of the country’s biodiversity, but the actions delineated are insufficient in addressing the multiple problems facing biodiversity management, such as the increasing loss of species, depletion of dense forest and gearing up the institutional system to face new challenges, especially since it does not provide the required implementation pathways. The Addendum to the NBAP was developed in 2014 in lieu of a second generation NBAP, basically as a requirement to be submitted to the CBD, and perpetuates this deficiency.

 

A new generation of NBAP that provides a blueprint for the mainstreaming of biodiversity in multiple sectors, which takes greater advantage of the potential of the statutorily empowered local-level institutions, should be developed, with an emphasis on feasible actions. Various levels of the new NBAP should more evenly address the triple objectives of the CBD, and incorporate the ecosystem approach. The new strategy-making should adequately focus on the implementation mechanism and set measureable targets, and also should incorporate the biodiversity-poverty reduction linkage as a cross-cutting concern.           

 

Biodiversity management cannot be limited to legally protected areas, but should cover the contiguous landscapes as well, in order for management efforts to be successful. The landscape-wide management of resources enables the effective application of the ecosystem approach and the influence of land-use patterns beyond the formally protected areas. This also provides an opportunity for the often fragmented management agencies to work together

towards a common goal in a given landscape and seek synergies, as will be discussed later.

 

Converging the multiple laws

 

The multiplicity of biodiversity-related laws in India creates a complex management situation, not least due to inconsistencies and conflicting provisions across different laws. The Indian Forest Act is a legacy of the colonial regime, while the Wildlife (Protection) Act (WLPA) has in it provisions that impede the emerging paradigm of devolution and community participation in biodiversity management. The Biological Diversity Act has the limited operational mandate of regulating access to biodiversity, failing to translate the triple objectives of the CBD and the principles of the ecosystem approach into domestic law. As an example of how the conventional conservation laws constrain the concerns of the community, we provide an analysis of such provisions in the WLPA in Table 1. The FRA has marked a paradigm shift from the exclusionary notion of conservation to recognising community rights over forests, and empowering local communities to protect and manage forest biodiversity.

 

Table 1. WLPA provisions inconsistent with the CBD and ecosystem approach

 

No

Section/description

Impact on Adivasis and other traditional communities

1

18B and 19 / district collector to determine the rights claimed by people affected by the proposed sanctuary or national park, but no criteria provided to determine and settle claims

The collector’s decision can be arbitrary, and traditional forest dwellers can lose their rights. They often do not have a modern proof of rights

2

34A / gives powers to the government to evict encroachers

Most forest dwellers are affected by this as their rights were not recognised in the first place, and thus could be categorized as encroachers

3

35.3 and 4B / extinguishes all rights in National Parks (NPs)

No rights are permitted in NPs; the continuation of rights legally permitted

in a sanctuary (24.c) is undone, as is grazing permitted under section 33

4

18A.1 / the declaration of intention by the state government to recognize an area as a sanctuary (Section 18.1) is enough for the restrictive measures to take effect, rather than the final notification (Section 26A) after the settlement of claims

Even though claims are not settled in more than half of the sanctuaries, in order for the final notification to be issued, restrictive measures were applied in violation of the WLPA before the 2003 amendment, and the new amendment has legalised this violation of natural justice

 

It would be appropriate to create a single national legislation that covers multiple issues related to biodiversity management and community rights. Such a reform of the legal regime is also necessary to harmonize the national legislation with the CBD. A statutory convergence of the current forest departments, tribal welfare departments and Panchayat Raj institutions is also essential in creating a biodiversity governance system that would address both conservation and livelihood concerns, and convert communities to partners in conservation rather than render them victims. Policy reform followed by legal reform will ease biodiversity management, reconciling conservation needs and community interests, and create new institutional arrangements at various levels. The reform of the protected areas management system to make it participatory has been outlined by Faizi (2006). Forest reform should be entirely based on the objectives of conservation, sustainable use, and equitable benefit sharing and the ecosystem approach, grounded in the constitutional directions mentioned at the outset, grossly rejecting notions of reform in order to ease corporate access to forests, as the HPC has pursued.

 

(To be continued…)

S. Faizi is an ecologist specialising in biodiversity management; s.faizilll@gmail.com

M. Ravichandran is at the Department of Environmental Management, Bharathidasan University, Thiruchirappalli; muruguravi@yahoo.co.in

Courtesy Natural Resources Forum 40 © 2016 103-111 United Nations

User Comments Post a Comment
Muslim league 1906, then Hindu Mahasabha’s demand for Hindu nation and the Khilafat Movement of 1921 were the part of British policy to divide India.
Hindus could only vote for Hindus, Muslims for Muslims
The division of India was only a compromise to rule over India on the name of so called Hindu religion with illusory fear of conversion.

It is history which you have accepted about Muslim arrival and conversion, and the origin of Islam in Arabian country. In this reference it is important to note that invaders were against idol worship and came for looting India and to spread Islam. Accordingly they have converted the weaker sections in large and destroyed temples. India was not united, hence they got the opportunity to rule over India. Most of the invaders turned back leaving their representative as rulers and converted followers. Their sacrifice, administration reforms and wars were confined to their interest of ruling. They have failed to convert Indians at large in masses, due to indigenous caste system and Dharma-duty, they have called indigenous Indians to Hindu and India as Hindustan. In the mean time the converted Muslims were absorbed as a caste in the Indian caste system and both the so called Hindu and Muslim cooperated with the Moughal rulers to rule over India, up to 1857, which we call as slavery of India. and Muslim rule. Without the cooperation of converted Muslim and so called indigenous Hindu it was not possible to rule over India for such a ling period for Moughal kings.

India was not having any organized religion under caste system, and spiritual freedom, the invaders have considered it as polytheistic Hindu religion as compared to their monotheistic religion. It has been grasped by Akbar, and he has started "Din A Elahi" and Dara has written 'Allopnishad' to establish cooperation among indigenous Indians and converted Muslims.

When Aurengjeb faced the difficulty in ruling over India,' he has imposed 'Jajiya kar' on Hindu and created the conflict of Krishna Janmbhumi and implemented divide and rule policy. Up to 1857 no body was successful in creating rift between Hindu and Muslim at a large, both were fighting for the kings simultaneously.

With the arrival of East India company and British rule over India, the Britisher have imposed Christianity and missionary churches to convert Indians into Christian faith. They have observed the cultural integrity among Indians, and faced the revolution of 1857 as Muslim and Hindu to gather. To break this unity, they have created the conflict of Ram Janm Bhumi and Babri Masjid first time, other wise so called Hindu and Muslim were going there for worship and Namaz simultaneously as per their faith.

As per their organized religion they have demarcated indigenous Indians as Hindu religion and Muslim religion to promote Christianity with divide and rule policy. The Britishers have established Muslim League 1906, and later on supported Hindu Mahasabha as two political parties to fight elections with limited democratic setup in India. It has created conflict and chaos in society. To oppose it the congress has adopted secularism to oppose religious fundamentalism, which was used during french revolution to oppose the authority of church in Europe.

The discovery of scientifically developed Indus Valley and its unknown script by Sir John Marshal has given further clues for divide and rule policy with shrewd politics, and they have imposed Aryan invasion theory to justify their arrival in India. and Muslim rule over India.

With shrewd cunning politics the British ruler has imposed that Hindu and Muslim are two races, which can not leave together, and ultimately divided India and Indians forever on the name of the so called Hindu religion. With communal riots to rule over India on the name of religion, We have ourselves proved that we can not leave together, and independent India has adopted the same parliamentary democracy, which enhance the communal conflict and chaos in the society.

The History written by the European scholars and the British Encyclopedia are motivated by British emperor, The British History of India is also the same.

no body was in a position to challenge their concept of Hindu religion and Aryan invasion theory, all were bound to accept the same. It was opposed and grasped by Sri Aurobindo, Netaji Subhash, and Moulana Abdul Kalam Azad only. They have given reaction in their own way, but were not successful in a scenario of lust to rule over the country.

The freedom at midnight of 15th August 1947 was a compromise with British Government to rule over the India and Pakistan on the name of so called religious superstition. To safeguard the interests of the converted Christians and Muslims, they have prepared the constitution in 1935, it was accepted by the Indian Government with few modifications.

Now we are free to fight with each other and to blame each other for brutality or to impose the brutality on the Government. The motto of the politicians is only to rule over the country with divide and rule policy, we are only the soldiers. They have nothing to with country's glory. For them every thing pertaining to India is Hindu religion, and to safeguard the interests of Christians and Muslim on the name of minority is their inherited duty from their British lord.

Our foundation of freedom is on the false fake ground of Hindu religion and Aryan invasion. The Indian subcontinent is original home land of Vedic Indians ,and Aryan means well cultured, it is not a race or culture, it has enlightened the world in past and India was World leader - Guru once in the history, to devalue the Indian Glory of past, the Britisher have given Aryan invasion and Hindu religion.

They were well acquainted with the past glory of India, by which the Vedic culture was all over the world and the scientifically developed Indus Valley cities were its testimony and confirmation. The concept of Zero, Dharma and Creator God have spread from India,it came back to India with the concept of one God and religious superstition.

The original concept of the creator was a scientific invention of India, and not a illusion or hallucination with the discovery of DNA in ancient era has given the concept of rebirth and death in the nature. It has been accepted as reincarnation or Kayamat in the religious scriptures.

The British emperor has divided Indian subcontinent and Indians to glorify the Britain and leaved Indians to fight forever. The Indian leaders have compromised with a lust to rule over India.

After the violence of 1947 with independence, the British Govt, has instructed to the president Jinnah and pt, Nehru to check the communal riots, and to follow the instructions they have given assurance to public for safety to check the migration of Muslim from India, and Hindu from Pakistan.

But the platform on which Hindu and Muslim are standing on the same ground is religious superstition, and fundamentalism forever. As a slave of British ruler, we were having no answer and not in a position to give answer. and now as a mental slave with lust of desire to rule over each other, we are unable to think and give answer to our British Lord, and suffering from ego of freedom.

With regards

Dr.C.P.Trivedi

Dr.C.P.Trivedi
January 30, 2013
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Gandhi was not sure about dividing India on the grounds of religious separatism as he believed himself as secular and irreligious. The majority Hindus’ perception of Gandhi had overwhelmed on many occasions whenever he wanted to bring the conflict to an amicable settlement. His dream of united India remained as dream despite his calculated efforts and concerns over the future of people of both the religions. More specifically, he was worried much about the frequent postponement of declaration of independent status to India and a possibly astute denial of freedom by the British.

At one point of time, on 17th July, 1944 that Gandhi wrote to Jinnah: "I have not written to you since my release. Today my heart says that I should write to you. We will meet whenever you choose. Do not disappoint me."

Personally, Gandhi had a sort of aspiration and self-confidence in bringing some form of self-determination for Muslims within a united India, although it remained as just his personal desire. Forfeiting his personal judgment, he was adamant on implementing the Rajagopalachari formula as his political agenda.

Jinnah was adamant on his "two nations" theory based on the fact that Hindus and Muslims, however scattered all over the country, are entirely foreign to each other. And, this was the thematic resolution of the Muslim League's Lahore Resolution of March 1940.

Gandhi held talks 14 times with Jinnah in Bombay in 1944, about a united front. And, it was all back-to-back talks between these two highly respected leaders and when it finally ended without agreement in a meeting held in September 1944.

While negotiating with Jinnah, a highly resolute point of stance was taken by Gandhi when he suggested that he should be allowed to meet the Muslim League Council to make them see the reasonableness of his proposals. “…Give me an opportunity of addressing them. If they feel like rejecting it I would like you to advise the Council to put it before the open session of the League... If you will accept my advice and permit me I would attend the open session and address it'.” That idea did not work as expected as the council rejected his proposal. It was at this point of time, did Gandhi truly realize Jinnah’s stronghold and the ground realities of the divided populace which is actually driving the partition issue. With the conflict deepens to its core, Gandhi felt a sense of democratic upheaval which necessitated him to suggest an alternative way of putting the issue to arbitration.

“Is it irrelevant or inadmissible to supplement our efforts to convince each other with outside help, guidance, advice or even arbitration?” he asked Jinnah.

And finally, during the meeting of the Viceroy with the Indian leaders on 3rd June, 1947, Gandhi was just a mere spectator. Much of his views were delivered by Patel and Kripalani and the resolution of Partition of India was passed.

- Balamurali Balaji
Founder, BB systems (CIT-GPNP)
Administrator: www.Gandhitopia.org
Balamurali Balaji
February 01, 2013
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