Caste: An unsavoury reality
by R Hariharan on 04 Jun 2017 3 Comments

The unsavoury episode of Justice C.S. Karnan has left many red faces, not only in the Supreme Court, but among all of us, including the “enlightened” citizens. From the popular perspective, repeatedly reinforced by the media, there is absolutely no justification for his unconscionable behaviour. Of course, it was an aberration waiting to happen, because of the systemic flaws in the Collegium system to the higher judiciary. It has been done without applying the limited systemic checks before his appointment.

 

Thanks to Justice Karnan, the selection system’s soft underbelly has been exposed. But as a nation that loves to endlessly debate every issue, without quickly acting, we can expect no radical change in the system after the Karnan episode. As the Supreme Court is inclined to defend its turf, probably some cosmetic changes would be made in the system. It may sound cynical, but that is the way we handle problems, following the Middle Path (with no offense to Gautama Buddha), rather than bite the bullet to take hard decisions.

 

This article is not a legal critique of Justice Karnan’s judicial misconduct. This is also not an apology for the theatrics that accompanied the misconduct. It is to take a closer look at the national issues it signals. 

 

Course Correction

 

For too long, we have ignored such misconduct from those occupying high offices, both in bureaucracy and politics. They usually belonged to powerful non-dalit segments that call the shots and we invariably chose to ignore them for that reason. But Justice Karnan suffers the double whammy of being a Dalit, holding a high office. That is one reason for the high decibel outrage.

 

Karnan’s caste muddies the waters in making a dispassionate analysis of his misdemeanour, because the nation is dominated by the upper and middle castes. Our founding fathers, driven by social consciousness, introduced reservations for Dalits and tribals, who were traditionally marginalised from the national mainstream. When lawmakers made the transient arrangement a permanent feature of the constitution, they perpetuated the caste differences further.  ‘Mandalisation’ was a part of it and strengthened caste stratification. Now, more castes are vying to be classified as more backward than others, in a nation that is trying to move forward. We have been living with the anachronism of caste identity, rather than competency, becoming the lifeline.

 

It is immaterial whether we consider caste reservation right or wrong. Already for two generations caste identity has become a huge source of power. It is here to stay, be it politics, governance, education or employment. 

 

Caste plays a key role in shaping not only political perceptions, but also our social discourse. It is obvious in matrimonial columns, where caste takes priority over racism, seen in our preference for fair skin. Less obviously, it permeates our private conduct as well, thanks to the social conditioning we receive from childhood.

 

We would be living in cuckoo land, if we believe we can amend the constitution to abolish caste reservations. The constitution did not invent castes; it only gave it a statutory recognition. Caste panchayats had been there from times immemorial. Castes were based on hereditary occupations, somewhat like the trade guilds that flourished in Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries. These panchayats became the dispensers of both social justice and social security. They provided the muscle in caste confrontations as also led the palaver to resolve such confrontations.

 

The reservation policy has queered this system, because caste based occupations have given way to knowledge-based ones. Dalits and marginalised communities have taken advantage of it to climb up the social ladder. Though occupations have changed, the system based on caste identity has not vanished. In fact, they have been reinforced by political parties that pander to divisive identities of caste. Almost all political parties have separate cells for dealing with various castes. In urban areas, political parties or their factions are operating the morphed version of caste panchayats.

 

TN case

 

In my state of Tamil Nadu, caste reservations were institutionalised two decades before Independence. The government of  Madras presidency (which included the whole of Tamil Nadu state)  led by chief minister Dr P Subbarayan (father of Communist leader-turned Congress minister Mohan Kumaramangalam) implemented caste based reservations in 1927, implementing an earlier Government Order (G.O. No. 613) of 1921 that introduced caste based reservations. The government’s implementation order G.O. Ms. No.102 of 1927 introduced reservations for Dalits, Christians and Muslims; it also reduced reservations for Brahmins from 22 percent to 18 percent and for other castes from 48 percent to 42 percent.

 

I remember when the order was abolished in my state after independence, my non-Brahmin classmates observed a day of protest, boycotting classes and shouting slogans against the Congress party and Brahmins, a minuscule minority hogging government jobs till then. Since then, for three generations, Tamil Nadu has practised institutionalised caste reservations with mixed results. Educated Dalits have clawed their way into politics and find a place in occupations that were the preserve of other castes.

 

That is how many dalits are now in state and central government jobs in high echelons. This has been resented by backward classes, who have also benefitted from the system. Political turf wars based on caste equations have become an essential part of coalition forming. However, it translates into virulent caste conflicts when politics fails to provide answers to social confrontations.

 

However, much of the change is more symbolic than substance. In the 1960s, in my small town in Tamil Nadu, the streets were named after the caste of the people who lived there. Nobody made a big noise about it. Now, I find the same streets are named after national or state political leaders. Their traditional caste tags have been dropped, often resulting in ridiculous distortion of names; for instance, TT Krishnamachari Salai (road) in Chennai has become TT Krishnama Salai. The state’s avowed desire to help dalits (called Adi Dravidas) has given rise to Adi Dravida hostels, which are really ghettos built exclusively for Dalit students. It presents a cameo of the state’s skewed approach to transform well-meaning ideas into actions, skewed by ingrained caste prejudices.

 

Perhaps, a study of the impact of 80-years of caste based reservations in Tamil Nadu could provide useful pointers to handle the unsavoury fallout of perpetuating reservations. It is possible such a study has already been carried out. If so, it is time to dust it up and take some remedial actions.

 

But the moot point is, are there any takers for improving the way we handle caste issues, apart from shouting slogans and expecting politicians to use their jugaad to handle critical issues? I have my doubts.

 

Courtesy http://col.hariharan.info/2017/05/caste-unsavoury-reality.html

User Comments Post a Comment
Reservations, extended indefinitely and enlarged constantly will perpetuate caste rivalry, hatred and cruelty. Also this permanent reservation system will destroy the quality of governments' performance and credibility. It is futile to "eradicate the caste system". This is a bogey created by the Missionaries, communists and Western hegemonists. What the State ( executive, legislature ans judiciary) should sincerely, seriously and intelligently do is to follow up on caste-based cruelties, injustices and unfair discriminations at all levels in our society and severely punish all perpetrators. Within 25 tears the so-called Caste bogey will disappear, though "caste" may remain. Such a remnant is only an identity marker and there is nothing wrong with it, whatever Arundhati Roys and Amartya Sens may keep saying.
Karnan's case confuses discourse. He has been behaving most atrociously. It has nothing to do with his so called caste. He must be punished severely. No judge, man or woman, brahmin or dalit, should be allowed to get away with such behaviour. Because Judges consider that they are not accountable to any one, any institution, except to themselves and to God if they have one, our society is paying a heavy cost. SC or not, the Collegium must go and replaced with a balanced filtering body for judicial appointments. Without checks and balances any system is a laughing stock and this applies to the country's Judiciary also.
R.Venkatanarayanan
R.Venkatanarayanan
June 05, 2017
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Please stop this nonsensical "Dalits oppressed" slogan of colonialists and east india company white collar coolies..

It is being projected that NOT getting in to the monstrous colonial beurocracy means oppression.. a shameful attitude legitimising colonial beurocracy as everything that indians should have.. NO single intellectual ever thins out of this colonial setup.. No one thinks what was the political & administrative setup before this colonial beurocracy was created.. and no one wants to..

Every argument on caste was reduced to representation in beurocracy.. that is the bane of this country's intellegentsia..

senthil
June 05, 2017
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Both Sri Venkatanarayanan and Senthil are right. As Mr.Vaidhyanathan IIMB. points out somewhere, most of our so called "Backward" tagged people as well as many of the "Scheduled" tagged groups were land owners. minor zamindaris, palegars, etc. in pre-British times. Then came the first infamous census, and many of these groups were lumped under "deprived" categories, while what they were deprived of was their land, appropriated by the British under one pretext or another.

It is ridiculous to talk of abolishing "caste", for there was and is no such thing called "caste" in our civilizational ethos. We have Varna, Jaathi, Kula, Vamsa, Gothra etc. but NO CASTE. We have Jaathis like Lohars, Darjis, Velakkara, Marakkayars. etc. We cannot abolish the work they do. So shall we call them Tinker, Tailor, Soldier, Sailor? For that is the Job they do. And that is their Jaathi. Names in English is acceptable, but the same names in the vernacular is divisive, discriminatory?. And how can we abolish kula, vamsa, gotra or varna?

The only right thing do is the other way round. Instead of trying to abolish something which no one will give up, let us get the people to recall, revive, and reinstate their origins and ancestry in their lives and in their pride. Once a person regains his/her pride, he would not want reservation, vote-bank appeasement etc

All public institutions and spaces will be, must be non- discriminatory by very strict laws. But what each person, community does in their private space and time is nobody else's business. A strict Brahmana will NOT entertain a beef- eater inside his home. Is that anybody else's business? Others are also free not to entertain him if that is according to their ideology! As the Fidldler says "May god bless and keep the Tzsar, far away fom us!"

It will also solve the problem of confused loyalties. If they recall their origins and ancestry, the minorities can only end up between the Sindhu and the Kaveri. So what else can they be loyal to? As for how to achieve this? There are simple, workable, ways, which will even be loved by all. But this is not the place to discuss that.


Chandra Ravikumar
June 08, 2017
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