Ranil’s arrest triggers politics of accountability

The after effects of years of lawless politics and lack of accountability among the political class and government servants are coming home to roost in Sri Lanka after the National Peoples Power (NPP) government led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) arrested former President Ranil Wickremesinghe on criminal charges for alleged misuse of public funds on August 22.

The arrest of Wickremesinghe had triggered a rare display of unity among leading opposition political parties who came together to address a press conference on August 24, with a slogan “Let’s Defeat the Constitutional Dictatorship.” Many political leaders who had been opposing the former president addressed the media conference. These included National Freedom Front leader Wimal Weerawansa, former President Maithripala Sirisena and Sri Lanka Muslim Congress Leader Rauff Hakeem.

Wickremesinghe’s arrest is unprecedented as never before has a former president been arrested on criminal charges. His arrest comes in the wake of the arrest and prosecution of several high-profile former ministers booked or arrested since the NP government came to power. Mahindananda Aluthgamage, former sports minister, and Nalin Fernando, former trade minister, have been sentenced 20 years and 25 years’ imprisonment respectively for corruption involving Rs 53 million.

Rajitha Senaratne, former fisheries minister, has been arrested for awarding a questionable contract in 2013. Former State Minister Shasheendra Rajapaksa has been arrested by the Commission to Investigation Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) on 6 August, in connection with an alleged attempt to obtain compensation through another individual for a building damaged on Government land in, which was set on fire during the nationwide protests of 2022.

At least four former ministers or senior officials are in remand custody. These include former Sri Lankan Navy Commander Admiral Nishantha Ulugetenne, in connection with the disappearance of a man in 2010.

Former President Wickremesinghe’s case relates to his two-day stopover (on September 22 and 23, 2023) in the UK along with his wife. President Wickremesinghe after addressing the UN General Assembly, was returning back home with Mrs Wickremesinghe. They stopped over in the UK to enable Dr Maithree Wickremesinghe to receive the award of an honorary professorship by the University of Wolverhampton, in recognition of her extensive research on gender equity and equality.

The stopover cost (SL Rs. 16.6 million) was paid from public funds. The government has alleged Wickremesinghe had misused public money for the couple’s private visit to the UK. It has slapped charges against him under Sections 386 and 388 of the Penal Code and Section 5(1) of the Public Properties Act criminalising the wrongful use of public property. The charges under these sections can lead to imprisonment and fines. Curiously, the arrest came even before the result of the government’s probe into the authenticity of the invitation letter to Mrs Wickremesinghe was available.

AKD’s strategy behind Ranil’s arrest

Sri Lanka’s political history is strewn with examples of misuse of power and violations of law by presidents, prime ministers and persons in high authority particularly after the Eelam war. By arresting the former president, though on a comparatively lesser charge of misuse of public funds, AKD has sent a clear message that he means to clean up the administration regardless of the high office held by political leaders. 

Commenting on Wickremesinghe’s arrest, President Dissanayake denied opposition accusations that the arrest was a witch-hunt or an act of revenge, but an essential step to restore public trust. He said, “Wealth, power or lineage should not matter - all are equal before the law. No matter the criticism, we will not turn back. If my government and I fail to fulfil this duty, then no government will ever succeed.”

Already AKD has arrested several former ministers and political leaders to pay for their past sins. Even after this, why did he choose to arrest the former President? Is the arrest of Wickremesinghe AKD’s ‘show of strength’ message to the opposition leaders? He probably chose Wickremesinghe, instead of either Mahinda or Gotabaya Rajapaksa, because their arrest is likely to trigger a nasty country-wide protest. Ranil, despite being prime minister six times and interim president when the national economy went bankrupt, is a comparatively soft target. The UNP which he leads is weakened now and probably does not have the strength to inspire the mobs to take up the sticks in his defence.

Whatever be AKD’s strategy, Wickremesinghe’s arrest signals a shift toward holding even the most powerful figures accountable. The arrest could change the fortunes of the UNP. Already, the UNP and SJB leaders have met several times and according to Sri Lanka media formed a joint committee to fight the NPP government’s arrests. One should not be surprised if UNP and SJB merge if the present talks between the leaders come through.  Wickremesinghe, out on bail after four days, is trying woo other political parties, particularly the Rajapaksas, to form a common front against the NPP government’s high handedness.

If the prosecution of Wickremesinghe and other ministers is transparent and fair, it could restore some public confidence in Sri Lanka’s judiciary and law enforcement. But the big question is IF.

Many Sri Lankans still recovering from the 2022 economic crisis, view the misuse of public funds as a betrayal of public mandate. The arrest has reignited public debate on elite privileges and their misuse of taxpayer money. This could help the NPP in provincial elections, if it can complete at least a few successful prosecutions.

President and MPs to lose salary?

Even before watchdog civil society organizations using this case to demand broader reforms in governance and transparency, another of AKD pledges to cut down on perks of former presidents is likely to become a reality. The Supreme Court’s ‘advice’ on the President’s Entitlement (Repeal) Bill has been sent to the Speaker. The Bill, with modifications if any as per Supreme Court advice, is likely to be enacted in parliament by mid-September.

The Supreme Court advice has been drafted after disposing of several petitions challenging the government move to repeal the bill. Articles 36(2) and 36(4) of the Constitution safeguard the rights and privileges of former presidents and their widows. It will be interesting to see how the ruling NPP coalition will handle these as privileges cannot be done away without a constitutional amendment. 

According to the Sunday Times, a draft bill to abolish the pension given to MPs after five years is now with the Attorney General. This will also face legal challenges once gazetted. The Association of Retired Parliamentarians (ARP) is among those gearing up to challenge the bill. The association’s secretary, former JVP MP Pemasiri Manage, estimated that the bill will impact about 500 former MPs and about 150 widows of former MPs.

To qualify for a non-contributory pension, an MP should have served at least five years in the legislature. The same condition applies to the widow and children of a deceased MP. For five years of service, the MP is eligible for one third of the current monthly allowance as pension. For 15 years or more, he is eligible for two-thirds of monthly allowance. Monthly pension per eligible MP or widow will receive between Rs 50,000 and Rs 150,000. Annual cost of pension is estimated to exceed Rs 500 million.

Tailpiece - Enforced disappearances:

The Government has initiated investigations into more than 10,000 cases of enforced disappearances reported across the country. These include incidents reported before the year 2000 that were not formally examined. The Office on Reparations and the Office on Missing Persons have introduced a new procedural framework to streamline these efforts, according to Minister of Justice and National Unity, Nanayakkara.

Col R Hariharan VSM, a retired MI specialist on South Asia and terrorism, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies. Courtesy

South Asia Security Trends, September 2025. https://www.security-risks.com