From August 29 to September 1, the Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi, undertook a trip to Japan and China, which, on the whole, constituted a highly noteworthy event in the ongoing process of assembling a puzzle that reflects the current state of affairs in the Indo-Pacific region.

The significance of this event is primarily due to the fact that its direct participants were three leading Asian powers that substantially shape developments across the entire Indo-Pacific. The situation there is evolving at unprecedented speed, generating various factors of uncertainty that sharply complicate the process of formulating strategies for all countries in the region. Therefore, even a preliminary analysis of the events taking place here assumes great importance, as it should help identify at least some elements of clarity regarding the state and trends of regional developments.

The Visit to Japan by the Prime Minister of India

First of all, it should be noted that the course toward a rapid acceleration of multifaceted Japan-India cooperation became evident immediately with the rise to power in India of the Bharatiya Janata Party in the spring of 2014, headed by its leader and, since then, the unbroken Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Even earlier, while serving as Chief Minister of the state of Gujarat, one of the country’s current economic engines, N. Modi showed a particular interest in developing relations with Japan.

However, this interest is by no means a novelty in India’s history over at least the past hundred years. The pre-war external public rhetoric of Imperial Japan, which spoke of bringing to the Asian continent “liberation from European colonizers in order to create conditions for universal prosperity,” elicited a fairly substantial positive response from all its addressees, including, for example, China of that time and “British India.” Incidentally, Indian supporters of that rhetoric today belong to the pantheon of national heroes of modern India. One should also recall the special position taken by the Indian participant in the post-war Tokyo process.

Yet the primary motive of the current Indian government under N. Modi for comprehensive rapprochement with Japan is by no means historical. It is grounded in quite understandable realities, discussed repeatedly in NVV, of the situation currently taking shape in the Indo-Pacific. To reiterate, this situation is arguably being decisively influenced by the dynamics of relations within the aforementioned “China-India-Japan” triangle, in which New Delhi continues to show a clear preference for relations with Tokyo.

In this context, it is worth noting, first and foremost, the regular operation of the bilateral “2+2 Format,” established in 2019. Another important platform for both countries is the Quad configuration, which also includes the United States and Australia. The last Quad Leaders’ Summit took place in September of last year in Wilmington, Delaware. The theme of the next Quad Summit, expected to be held by the end of this year on Indian soil, was reflected in the Joint Statement adopted following Narendra Modi’s meetings with Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, held during Modi’s visit to Japan on August 29-30.

The main areas of multifaceted Japan-India cooperation, designed for the long term, are highlighted by the notable title of this extensive document: “Partnership for Security and Prosperity for Future Generations.” In the commentary on this document and on the entire visit, particular attention is drawn to two points.

The first of these is determined by the generalized “China factor,” as the main stimulus for the development of Japan-India cooperation in the security sphere. This factor, however, was not explicitly mentioned by either leader - not in the bilateral documents adopted during the visit, nor in public statements. As for the various directions of economic cooperation, a significant stimulus for its further development was the “tariff war of D. Trump,” which was also not explicitly mentioned. Nevertheless, in this sphere, the first factor was quite clearly evident, particularly when discussions concerned Japan-India cooperation in Africa.

Overall, the results of the Prime Minister of India’s visit to Japan confirm the long-standing trend, as noted, toward further rapprochement between two of Asia’s three leading countries, which constitutes one of the most significant components of the transformation process across the entire Indo-Pacific.

Modi Participated in the SCO Summit in Tianjin

The distinctly counterproductive character of the “tariff attack” on India for Washington itself also manifested as a certain pivot toward China. At the same time, New Delhi seeks at least to lower the level of vigilance that has always been present to some degree in Sino-Indian relations, which sharply intensified following the well-known “Ladakh incident” of summer 2020.

It is worth noting another important stage on this difficult path: the meeting between the leaders of the two countries, Xi Jinping and N. Modi, held in Kazan on the sidelines of the BRICS Summit in October 2024. This was followed by a series of bilateral ministerial-level contacts. In other words, this positive trend had already begun to take shape six months before the start of D. Trump’s “tariff war.” However, it had already been quite clearly outlined by him during the US presidential election campaign. The “club” of the tariff war, looming over India as well as over China and Japan, undoubtedly provided a strong stimulus for continuing the course toward reducing excessive tensions in Sino-Indian relations.

At the same time, the fundamental causes of these tensions have by no means disappeared. In this regard, attention should be paid to the “protocol” format of N. Modi’s visits to Japan and China. In the first case, he arrived, for the seventh time, at the invitation of the country’s Prime Minister, to discuss the full spectrum of bilateral relations. In China, however, he was present, for the first time in seven years, on the formal occasion of participating in an international event - the SCO Summit in Tianjin. The event itself was a significant occurrence in international politics, but the fact that the Indian Prime Minister participated is interesting primarily because of what happened on the sidelines of the SCO Summit.

Namely, the meetings of N. Modi with Chinese leader Xi Jinping and Russian President V.V. Putin. Judging by appearances, the central focus of Modi’s negotiations with both was the trade and economic component of intergovernmental relations, largely due to the chaos beginning to emerge in the global economic system, provoked by D. Trump’s “tariff war.” Of course, however, this topic was not the only issue discussed by the Indian Prime Minister during meetings with the leaders of two countries of critical importance to him. Nevertheless, everything that occurred during that time with their involvement deserves separate commentary.

Finally, attention was drawn to the appearance at the port of Tokyo, coinciding with N. Modi’s arrival, of the British aircraft carrier Prince of Wales, which had previously participated in international military exercises in the waters near Australia. On board, the UK’s Defense and Trade Ministers made statements that fit into the long-standing process of Japan-UK rapprochement. It is hardly coincidental that the timing of this action by the UK and Japan overlapped with the arrival in Tokyo of the Indian Prime Minister, who, it should be noted, had visited London as recently as the end of July.

Not much “clarity” emerged in the regional situation - the very thing this text sought to explore. If anything, quite the opposite. Nevertheless, we should not give up and will continue to pursue the same inquiry.

Vladimir Terekhov, expert on issues of the Asia-Pacific region. courtesy

https://journal-neo.su/2025/09/08/the-prime-minister-of-india-visited-japan-and-china/